Sunday, April 1, 2018

Engineering Paradise - Ministry of Security


This ministry must be run by the government because there cannot be any competition and bias in a nation’s security.  This ministry would have two different divisions:  information gathering and defense.

Contrary to the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Security’s responsibility is to protect a whole nation against possible threats, both domestic and foreign.  These entities must be entirely defensive in nature.   No exception.  Just like any other ministry, the ministry follows regulations and laws established by the Lawmaking Ministry and will predominantly coordinate with the Ministry of Justice for domestic investigations and threats.

Information gathering division

When we think about information gathering, we usually think about secret services.  The American CIA, the Canadian CSIS, the Israeli Mossad are all examples of organizations whose responsibility is to gather information and protect the nation from illegal acquisition of information by undesirable parties (counter-intelligence). 

In the ideal world we’re building, we still need such organizations as information is key to pre-emptively identify potential threats to the population, their freedom and the provisioning of their basic needs.  Thus, it only makes sense that most of the ministry’s decision-making and operations would be freely available on the public online system.  I think, it is even more important to have the information division’s data publicly available.  It is just too easy to declare information secret and thus division leaders can too easily participate in unconstitutional subterfuge in the name of “national security”.

On the other hand, it is necessary for an information gathering agency to keep the information they gather secret.  The ministry cannot do its job if data gathered is immediately published.   There must be a clear line between what is released to the public.  Gathered information can remain secret only until a project is completed.  Afterwards, the operation and all information gathered should be made public.  No exceptions. 

We need to trust our government, what they do and why.  We also need to know what is happening elsewhere in the world, including threats.  Secrecy causes too much misinformation, distrust and emergence of conspiracy theories.  It is not socially healthy.  We should ensure our population has sufficient education and trust in the elected government to absorb published information.  We are the client, the boss.  And the boss needs to know what’s going on. 

It is not too different to the Judiciary about temporary secrecy: some information must be kept confidential due to privacy issues and other information must be kept private to while an investigation or court case is ongoing. 

Intelligence agencies today are already using many modern tools to analyse data and gather as much information as possible from public sources and networks.  This remains a good idea in my view.  They could also pull information and use AI software to analyse data taken from all sensors used by a modern, drone-intensive police force.  Social media is a treasure trove of clues, connectivity and photos that are gathered by individuals already.  With the advancement of AI technologies, our societies can be much better armed.  Traditionally, intelligence agencies have close ties with law enforcement files and data.  The more information the intelligence agencies, within the limits of what is gathered publicly and voluntarily provided by citizens, the better.   This gives time for either the country’s defense force or law enforcement agencies to mobilize to diffuse situations before people get hurt.

The size of such institutions is only determined by the perceived need and the amount of automation that can be put in place to gather information automatically.  The population can also be engaged in helping with information gathering, as they are already doing so, simply by collecting and posting information online.  Imagine what information gathering agencies can achieve if the population trusted them and would consciously post information that could be of interest to increase a nation’s security!

Collaboration with other countries means access to other nation’s information.   The more data, the better.  If all countries connected their nation’s data to each other, intelligence agencies would not be needed as much and would center more of their efforts on threats that are more difficult to detect.

Defense division

In a word, we’re talking about the military.  I specifically call it a Defense division because that’s what it should be doing.  Too many military forces in the world today have a dual purpose.  One for defense and the other for offense under the pretext of pre-emptively defending citizens.

Defense means no pre-emptive strikes anywhere in the world.  Domestically, enforcement officers can question citizens that are on the road towards committing crimes.  That is perfectly fine because the targeted individuals may be rehabilitated by the nation’s correctional institutions before they do anything bad in society.  However, pre-emptive military strikes between nations only cause animosity between nation’s peoples.  A nation’s intelligence agency can isolate a potential threat outside of a nation, but in those cases, the nation does not have any legislative power over the threat.  The Foreign Affairs Ministry can therefore be used to start a conversation with the potentially aggressive nation or citizens that have aggressive plans and collaborate to find a solution.

If that effort fails, the defense force, fully informed of the potential threat can serve as a barrier to protect citizens from harm.  The presence of a well-informed, strong and ready force is sufficient to deter any assault on a nation. 

There is also a much smaller chance that an entirely defensive force will cause further aggression from potential extranational dangers.  This is something that has been discussed by most countries in recent years.  In a great article by TIME magazine, entitled “Why We Should Close America’s Overseas Military Bases”,[1] the author lists 7:
1.       They don’t protect the homeland from direct attack
2.       Their deterrence effect is overrated
3.       They don’t always effectively prevent nuclear proliferation
4.       They can encourage resentment
5.       They can cause the U.S. to support brutal dictatorships
6.       They risk entangling us in unnecessary wars
7.       Technology has largely made them obsolete

Please read the whole article by John Glaser to see all the arguments.  In effect, the country that has the most bases around the world under the pretext to defend America, suffers much more downside than upside by keeping over 800 of their foreign military bases open.  In fact, according to Chicago University’s Robert Pape, “the principal cause of suicide terrorism is resistance to foreign occupation.”[2]

Therefore, I strongly encourage our ideal nation to cooperate with other nations in collaborative defense of citizens, instead of deciding to position military bases on foreign soil. 

A well-trained defense force can also be used in other ways like disaster relief.  In America, in Canada and in Europe, military organizations have been used extensively to support people in need domestically and around the world.  Soldiers are trained to work in hazardous environments, in great physical shape, are well equipped and usually have a strong desire to protect people from harm.  They don’t need to protect people from enemy bombs or bullets to find validation in their work.

Finally, a well-trained defensive force can also be deployed as an international police force to deal with larger threats, such as deflecting extraterrestrial objects (asteroids and the like), or a rogue and that are attacking a neighbor.

Having all nations participate in such a force with equal funding and giving away control of this entity to an independent authority would be an extraordinary gesture of collaboration to ensure no citizen in the world is without proper protection against an aggressor.

No defense force should attack anyone.  They are there to defend the defenseless. 

This is very important.  No nation should blame another for tampering on their sovereignty.  If nations take care of their own citizens and take it seriously, they should not be attacking other nation.
Foreign defense forces can be invited in by the recognized government of a nation to help resolve issues when their citizens are threatened.  It is always a noble gesture to ask for help.  Armed with the information from the information gathering agencies and guided by the best people possible to direct their action, defense forces can be very efficient life savers. 

Along with the other structures referred to in this book, most military forces would be reduced in size significantly since nation’s citizens will have much less stress, therefore less desire to become aggressive.   Military forces would only need the minimum.   Using more AI in their communications and operations can save soldier’s lives too. 

Today, I recommend we ban the use of autonomous AI-driven weapons systems because militaries around the world would teach them offensive rules.  A learning AI with weapons attached is a serious potential threat to civilian lives if the world’s aggression remains like what we have today.  However, if the world changes its military stances to be completely defensive, then deep learning AI weapons platforms could be a very good investment to save soldier’s lives and to increase the safety of civilians.  What is key with advanced learning AI is that they will learn motivations and behavior from human beings.  If our societies are still aggressive, deploying these AI weapons platforms can mean disaster for humanity.  Our ideal society has rock bottom stress levels, so it should be fine.



[1] John Glaser (October 2016).  Why we should close America’s overseas military bases.  TIME.  - http://time.com/4511744/american-military-bases-overseas/
[2] Robert A. Pape (August 2003).  The strategic logic of suicide terrorism.  American Political Science Review.  Vol.  97, No. 3.

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